Sunday, July 20, 2014

Methods of Qualitative Research

Methods of Qualitative Research
Based on Dr. Nick Pratt from Faculcity of Education University of Playmonth 2006, there are some method that is used in Qualitative Research :
1.      Observation
In seeking to explore the natural scene, the qualitative researcher aims to be as unobtrusive as possible, so that neither research presence nor methods disturb the situation. This is why participant observation is one of the favoured approaches. Here, the researcher adopts a recognised role within the institution or group. Researchers have become, amongst other things, teachers, gang-members, pupils, nudists, hippies, bread salesmen, and medical students.
v  The advantages of participant observation
·         It blends in with natural activity.
·         It gives the researcher access to the same places, people and events as the subjects.
·         It gives access to documents relevant to the role, including confidential reports and records.
·         It facilitates the use of mechanical aids, such as tape recorders and cameras.
·         It provides personal first-hand experience of the role and thus heightens understanding of it.
·         It makes a worthwhile contribution to the life of the institution.
v  The disadvantages of paticipant observation
·         It might be more difficult to make the situation 'strange', especially if one is a member of the institution before starting the research. Indeed there is a danger of 'going native' - an over-identification with people's views so that one's perspective as a researcher is submerged beneath them. One must work hard to achieve 'analytic distance' from the role, to set aside taken-for-granted assumptions and to see oneself in the role. The cultivation of reflectivity, and keeping personal diaries, have helped here.
·         It adds to the demands on the researcher. Qualitative research in any form is demanding, typically presenting a mass of confusing and intricate data. Participation adds to this, taking up valuable time and adding to one's responsibilities.
·         There is a possibility of conflict between one's role as a participant and one's role as a researcher.
v  The strengths of systematic observation
·         It is relatively free of observer bias. It can establish frequencies, and is strong on objective measures which involve low inference on the part of the observer.
·         Reliability can be strong. Where teams of researchers have used this approach, 80% reliability has been established among them.
·         Generalisability. Once you have devised your instrument, large samples can be covered.
·         It is precise. There is no 'hanging around' or 'muddling through'.
·         It provides a structure for the research.
v  The weaknesses of systematic observation
·         There is a measure of unreliability. Qualitative material might be misrepresented through the use of measurement techniques.
·         Much of the interaction is missed.
·         It usually ignores the temporal and spatial context in which the data is collected.
·         It is not good for generating fresh insights.
·         The pre-specification of categories predetermines what is to be discovered and allows only partial description.
·         It ignores process, flux, development, and change.
A great deal of qualitative material comes from talking with people whether it be through formal interviews or casual conversations. If interviews are going to tap into the depths of reality of the situation and discover subjects' meanings and understandings, it is essential for the researcher:
v  to develop empathy with interviewers and win their confidence;
v  to be unobtrusive, in order not to impose one's own influence on the interviewer.
The best technique for this is the unstructured interview. Here, the researcher has some general ideas about the topics of the interview, and may have an idea memorie of points that might arise in discussion for use as prompts, if necessary. But the hope is that those points will come up in the natural course of the discussion as the interviewer talks. Care is needed, therefore, to avoid leading questions or suggesting outcomes, and skill is called for in discovering what the interviewer really thinks. The researcher aims to appear natural, not someone with a special role, but one who engages with interviewees on a person-to-person basis. Attention will be paid to where the interview is held, arrangement of seating, how the researcher dresses, manner of approach, all in the interests of equality. There might be a certain amount of pleasant chat before getting into explaining what the research is about. If rapport has been established, there should not be a difficulty in getting people to talk. The problem, rather, might be that they talk too inconsequentially, or off the subject, or vaguely.
3.      Sampling
Where qualitative research is seeking to generalise about general issues, representative or 'naturalistic' sampling is desirable. This covers places, times and persons. Thus, if we were studying teachers' or pupils' perspectives, or the culture of a group, we would need to consider them in different settings, since behaviour can differ markedly in different situations - for example, the formal circumstances of a teacher's classroom or office, the staffroom, different classrooms, the informal ambience of a pub, and the personal stronghold of the teacher's home. The same point applies to time.
Representative sampling cannot always be achieved in qualitative research because of a) the initially largely exploratory nature of the research; b) problems of negotiating access; c) the sheer weight of work and problems of gathering and processing data using only one set of eyes and ears. Often, one has to make do with an opportunity sample in those areas where access is offered; or a snowball sample, where the sample is developed through personal contact and recommendation as the research proceeds. In these cases, the basis of the sampling must be made clear and no inappropriate generalising claims made for the findings.
Documents are a useful source of data in qualitative research, but they have to be treated with care. The most widely used are official documents, personal documents, and questionnaires.
Official documents include registers, timetables, minutes of meetings, planning papers, lesson plans and notes, confidential documents on pupils, school handbooks, newspapers and journals, school records, files and statistics, notice boards, exhibitions, official letters, textbooks, exercise books, examination papers, work cards, blackboard work, photographs. Any of these might give useful information, but they do not all provide an objective truth. They have to be contextualised within the circumstances of their construction. Registers of attendance, for example, do not contain 'concealed' absences. Delinquency rates are notoriously unreliable, being subject to different and varying interpretations of the rules. School and teacher records on disruption might be incomplete. It is not something one necessarily wishes other people to know about. The number and nature of notices around a school can tell us a great deal about school ethos and policy. Punishment books, a presentation of examination results, official minutes of meetings might all present a truth of a kind, but perhaps not the complete truth. The task for the researcher is not to take such documents at face value, but to find out how they were constructed, and how they are used and interpreted. They can thus be a useful way in to observation and interview.
Some documentation is more objective. Colin Lacey (1976, p. 60), commenting on his research methods in his Hightown Grammar study, said that while his core methods were participant observation and observation 'the most important breakthrough for me was the combining of methods', which included a key use of documents:
The observation and description of classrooms led quickly to a need for more exact information about individuals within the class. I used school documents to produce a ledger of information on each boy, for example, address, father's occupation, previous school, academic record, and so on. I built on this record as more information became available from questionnaires.
Documents can help reconstruct events, and give information about social relationships. Burgess (1984), for example, found official letters 'indispensable' in the course of his study. These included letters between the headteacher and governors and LEA officials, letters between teachers and parents, and notes circulated around teachers. Similarly, a school's official brochure can tell you a great deal about projected school ethos (which may or may not accord with reality), sometimes as much from its omissions as from what it contains. School reports ostensibly give an evaluation of a pupils' progress, but they also are cultural products which might tell us more about the teachers and the school than about the pupil.
5.      Questionnaires
Questionnaires are not among the most prominent methods in qualitative research, because they commonly require subjects to respond to a stimulus, and thus they are not acting naturally. However, they have their uses, especially as a means of collecting information from a wider sample than can be reached by personal interview. Though the information is necessarily more limited, it can still be very useful. For example, where certain clearly defined facts or opinions have been identified by more qualitative methods, a questionnaire can explore how generally these apply, if that is a matter of interest. Ideally, there would then be a qualitative 'check' on a sample of questionnaire replies to see if respondents were interpreting items in the way intended. Alternatively, a questionnaire might be used in the first instance, followed by qualitative techniques on a sample as a check and to fill out certain features of the questionnaire replies. Interaction among techniques in this way is typical of qualitative research.
6.      Validity
Some qualitative researchers are not concerned about validity as it is commonly understood, preferring to aim for 'understanding', which might be achieved by what Harry Wolcott (1994) calls 'rigorous subjectivity' - using the methods discussed above.
What I seek is something else, a quality that points more to identifying critical elements and wringing plausible interpretations from them, something one can pursue without becoming obsessed with finding the right or ultimate answer, the correct version, the Truth. (Ibid. pp. 366-7)
The quest is not so much with 'getting it right' as getting it 'differently contoured and nuanced' (Richardson 1994, p. 521). To some, there are many overlapping truths operating at different levels and constantly subject to change.
When we use many method we will get more information and our understanding will increase. In each research, triangulation is very important. Triangles possess enormous strength. Amongst other things, they make the basic frames of bicycles, gates and house roofs. Triangulation enables extraordinary precision in measuring the height of mountains and astronomical distances. It is also a strength in research. The most common forms of triangulation in qualitative work are:
·         Of method. The use of several methods to explore an issue increases the chances of depth and accuracy. For example, if the project concerned a school's policy towards new intakes of pupils, it would be a good idea to interview the headteacher, usually the main formulator of the policy. But it would also be useful to research it from other vantage points, for example, the various meetings that are held with parents, pupils and teachers and how the policy is presented and/or negotiated with them; the views of people in these groups, the documents associated with the policy, as well as observations of the policy in progress.
One of the commonest forms of triangulation is to combine interviews with observation. Observation will test and fill out accounts given in interviews, and vice versa. Others have been mentioned above.
 
·         Of time. This allows for the processual nature of events. For example, one might wish to study a teacher's teaching methods. Observation of a class or classes is clearly indicated. But a deeper understanding might be achieved if the researcher were to:
a) discuss with the teacher beforehand what content and approach was planned for the lesson;
b) observe the lesson as it happens;
c) discuss with the teacher afterwards what had happened and why, if aims had been achieved, modified, etc.
·         Of persons. This might involve consulting a range of people, perhaps in different roles or positions about a particular item - as with school policy above; or bringing more than one view to bear on a situation, that is, using more than one researcher. Checking each other's accounts for differences can lead to closer interrogation of data, even revisiting the site to collect more data, and more accurate development of theory.
7.      Ethics

The main ethical debates in qualitative research revolve around the tensions between covert and overt research, and between the public's right to know and the subject's right to privacy. Clearly, some practices that might be extremely unobtrusive, such as observing through a one-way mirror, concealed tape-recording, or telephone-tapping are just not permissible - and might lead to criminal proceedings! Participant observation has, on occasions, been likened to 'spying' or 'voyeurism'. There is a temptation, too, for some researchers to negotiate access into an institution, carry out observations that he or she requires, persuade subjects to 'spill the beans', and then 'cut and run'. Such practice runs against the principle of 'informed consent' (people agreeing to take part in research on the basis of knowledge of what it is about); invades privacy; involves deception, all of which is inimical to generating qualities of trust and rapport, essential ingredients for this kind of research. As Dean (1954, p. 233) states, A person becomes accepted as a participant observer more because of the kind of person he turns out to be in the eyes of the field contacts than because of what the research represents to them. Field contacts want to be reassured that the research worker is a 'good guy' and can be trusted not 'to do them dirt' with what he finds out.

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